welcome to 1960 Nigeria

1851 (December 26-27): Royal Navy warship bombards Lagos. Oba of Lagos (Oba Kosoko) is wounded and flees to Epe.
On board the ship was Lt. Labulo Davies, probably the first Nigerian to be commisioned in a naval force.
1862 (January 1): Lagos Island is annexed as a colony of Britain
1862 (January 22): Mr H.S Freeman is appointed as the first Governor of Lagos Colony.
1877: George Taubman Goldie arrived in the Niger Delta in 1877
1885: Oil Rivers Protectorate proclaimed by the British after they had defeated of King Jaja of Opobo, the Oba of Benin and subdued all prominent oil merchants of the Niger Delta.
1892 (19 May): At the Battle of the (sacred) Yemoja River the British wreaks havoc amongst the Ijebu infantry with a British Maxim (capable of firing 2000 rounds in three minutes).
1893: Oil Rivers Protectorate renamed Niger Coast Protectorate with its capital at Calabar.

Queen Elizabeth II

Queen Elizabeth II

1 October 1960 -1 October 1963

Duration: 3 years...Continue

1. RIGHT OF LIFE
Every person has a right to life, and no one shall be deprived intentionally of his life, save in execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty in Nigeria.

2. RIGHT TO DIGNITY OF HUMAN PERSON
Every individual is entitle to respect for the dignity of his person, and accordingly.
(a)No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment.
(b)No person shall be held in slavery or servitude;
(c)No person shall be regarded to perform forced or compulsory labour

Sir A.Tafawa Balewa:  He was the first prime minister of an independent Nigeria. Born a commoner in the north of colonial Nigeria, he trained as a teacher. Balewa entered the government 1952 as Minister of  Works, and later served as Minister of Transport. In 1957, he was elected Chief Minister, forming a coalition government between the NPC and the National council for Nigeria and the Cameroons, led by Nnamdi Azikiwe.He was overthrown and killed in a military coup on January 15, 1966, as were many other leaders, including his old companion Ahmadu  Bello. His body  was discovered by a roadside near Lagos six days after he was ousted from office Balewa was buried in Bauchi.The  Abubakar  Tafawa  Balewa University in his honour.

Dr.Nnamdi Azikiwe: Born on November 16, 1904, he hails from Nnewi in Anambra State and died in 1996 at the University Of  Nigeria Teacher Hospital, Enugu. His portrait adorns Nigeria’s five hundred naira currency note N500. He was one of the leading figures of Nigeria nationalism. He also espoused African nationalism liberation and emancipation. Armed with a Master’s degree from the University Of  Pennysylvania,  US, Zik became an instructor at instructor at Lincoln University. He  later  joined the African Morning Post in Accra,Ghana as Editor.He went on to become one of the leading lights of journalism in Nigeria, founding the West African Pilot and the Zik Group of  Newspapers which published several newspapers across Nigeria.Following a successful career in publishing, he went into politics alongside Sir Herbert Macaulay, he co-founded the National Council Of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) which later became National Council of Nigeria Citizens(NCNC). In 1947, Zik was elected into the Legislative Council of Nigeria and in 1951, he became leader of opposition to the government of Obafemi Awolowo in the Western region House of Assembly in 1954, he became the premier.In 1960 he became 1^st senate president.

Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi: JTU  Aguiyi- Ironsi Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi (1924- 1966) was a Nigerian Igbo political figure. He served as the President of  Nigeria from January 16, 1966 until he was overthrown and killed in a coup on July 29, 1966. Major General J.T Aguiyi-Ironsi, Nigeria’s  first military Head of State was born in 1924 in Umuahia, Abia State. He later joined the Nigeria Army in 1942 as a private and was promoted Major General in 1964.

GEN.YAKUBU GOWON: He took power after one military coup d’etat and was overthrown in another. He remains the youngest person to have ruled the country. His government fought to keep Nigeria one during the civil war(1967-1970), which broke out in the aftermath of  the regional tensions arising from the January and July 1966 coups d’etat. A Christian from Kanke Local Government Area of Plateau State, Gowon had a thorough bred career before the circumstances of the time thrust upon him a leadership role.He fought in congo(Zaire) as part of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in 1960 to 1961 and in 1963.Highlights of Gowon’s nine year old government included development of the country’s former capital, Lagos creation of  12 states, and expansion of government bureaucracy.He is also remembered for his indigenization policy in 1972, which is dedicated to seeking the face of God for the good of the country.An elder statesman in African politics, he is involved in the Guinea Worm Eradication Programme and the HIV Programme with Global Fund of Geneva.

GEN.MURTALA MUHAMMED: Was a military ruler (Head of  Federal Military government) of Nigeria (1975- 1976). Mohammed opposed the regime of Johnson Aguiyi –Ironsi which took power  after  a coup d’etat on January 15, 1966. On july 29, 1975, General Mohammed was made head of state by younger soldiers who wanted to ensure that Nigeria was returned to democratic rule. The armed forces chose thirty- eight- years old Brigadier (later General) Murtala Ramat Mohammed, a Musli m northerner, to succeed Gowon.A hausa, trained at the British military academy at sandhurst, murtala muhammed had command  of federal field  forces in the had played a prominent role in rallying northern offices behind the july1996 coup that fell ironsi .Murtala Muhammed was however killed on February 13,1976 in an abortive coup attempt when his car was ambushed in traffic in lagos .He was succeeded by chief of staff Olusegun Obasanjo ,who completed the plan of an orderly transfer to civilian by handing power to Alhaji Sehu Shagari on October 1,1979.his portrait adorns Nigeria N20 currency note.

GEN.OLUSEGUN OBASANJO:He was a chief of staff during Muritala R Muhammed regime before he was named as a military leader in the country.He was the first military leader in the country.He handed over power to a civilian government, Alhaji Sehu Shagari, he became elected civilian president on may 29 ,1999.The division he headed during the nation’s civil war,  3^rd marine commando, helped bring the war to an end ,when it took  owerri, in the then eastern Nigeria heartland.Obasanjo’s first time in power was marked by improvemaent in education, through the universal primary education policy and other programmes, and attempts to expand the country’s industrial base with huge revenues from the oil boom  at the time, and the Operation Feed the Nation,a programme designed to encourage farmers in the country .On October 1, 1979  handed power to Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Obasanjo was born on March 5, 1937 in Ogun State.He grew up in Owu, Abeokuta, and enlisted in the Nigeria Army in 1958.He trained at Aldershot, a military city and centre in Hampshire, Southern Nigeria.

Alh.Shehu Shagari: Nigeria’s Second Republic President, was the first elected president of Nigeria to exercise full executive powers, after the handover of power by General Olusegun Obasanjo caretaker Government. Shagari rose from very humble origins to the highest political throne in the country.He thaught briefly before going into Politics in 1954 as elected member of the Federal House of Repesentatives. He made housing, industries, transportation, and agriculture the major goals of his presidency, launching large scale housing programme that built estates, like the Shagari Estate. In industries, Shagari completed the Delta Steel Complex in 1982, and invested heavily on the Ajaokuta Steel Complex and the Steel Rolling Mills. Shagari initiated and Economic Stabilisation Programme meant to protect the country against any shortfalls in oil revenue after the highs of the 70’s and to guide the economy towards positive growth. Key objectives of the programme included reduction of import licencec and government spending and the upward review of custom duties.He was born on the February 25, 1925 in Shagari village, Sokoto State. Shagari was considered a Champion of Democracy and Government due to his programmes target at improvement of the lives of the great majority. Rampant corruption under Shagari’s administration, include an election marked by accusations of fraud, coupled with a decline in world oil price, led to a marked determination in the national finances under Shagari’s watch, while religious and political violence became so endemic that his overthrow by General Muhammadu Buhari on New Year’s Eve in the 1983 was actually looked upon with relief by most of the Nigeria Public at the time.

MAJ. GEN MUHAMMED BUHARI: Born on December 17,1942.His ethnic Background is Fulani and his faith is Islamic,his family is from katsina State.Buhari first came to lime light in 1975 when he became the Minister for Petroleum And Natural Resources under the then Head of State General Olusegun Obasanjo.Before then he was the Governor of the newly created North Easthern State of Nigeria during the regime of Murtala Mohammed.he later became the head of the newly created Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation in 1977. Major General Buhari and Major General Tunde Idiagbon were selected to lead the country by middle and high rank military offices after a successful military coup d’etat that overthrew civilian President Shehu Shagari on December 31,1983. Buhari was appointed Head of State and Commander in Chief, of arm forces and Idiagbon was appointed as Chief of General Staff(the Defactor #2 in the Administration. Buhari justified the military’s seizure of Power by castigating the civilian government hopelessly corrupt and his administration subsequently initiated a public campaign against indicipline known as “War Against Indiscipline” (WAI).Later became the leader of the All Nigerian People Party(ANPP), contesting and losing presidential elections to the ruling PDP candidates in 2003 and 2007 elections.Also in 2011 he became the leader of CPC contested and loosed in presidential election to PDP.

GEN.IBRAHIM BABANGIDA: Born on August 17, 1941 in Minna, popularly known as IBB. He introduced the concept of military president into the Nigerian political lexicon and till date remains the country’s only military leader addressed by that title. He maintained a firm grip on power and tried to abrogate the unpopular policies he inherited in office. Babangida’s regime was popular for its liberal economic policies. He tried to introduce the culture of debate into politics, with the open deliberations that preceded his lunching of the World Bank, International Monetary Fund(IMF) supported Structure Adjustment Programme (SAP). He administered an eight years political transition prgramme that, though did not culminate in the enthronement of civil democracy but succeeded in throwing up new crop of leaders in various spheres of the country’s political life. He departed from office under heavy popular pressure in 1993, after his annulment of elections held that year which were widely held to have been the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s Post Independence History.

ERNEST SHONEKON: Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan was born on 9 May 1936 in lagos, South-West Nigeria.He is a British trained Nigerian Lawyer, Industrialist and political.He was appointed as interim president of Nigeria by Nigeria General Ibrahim Babangida on 26 August 1993. Babangida resigned under pressure to  cede control to a democratic government. Shonekan’s transitional administration only lasted three months, as a palace coup led by General Sani Abacha via Shonekan’s “resignation” forcefully dismantled the remaining democracy institutions and brought the Government  back under military control, on United African Company (UAC), a large Nigerian Conglomerate.

GEN.SANNI ABACHA:  General Sani Abachi ( 20 September 1943 8 June 1988) was a Nigerian politician and military leader.He was the de facto president of Nigeria from 1993 to 1998
Political Life: Abacha was a muslim of kanuri extraction.He was instrumental in the two bloodless military coup d’etat brought and removed General Mohammadu Buhari from power in 1983 and 1985.When General Ibrahim Babangida was named president and commander in chief of the armed force of the federal republic of Nigeria in 1985, abacha was named chief of army staff.He was later appointed minister of defence in 1990.
Abacha took over power from the caretaker government of chief Ernest Shonekan, which was put into place by General Ibrahim Babangida after his annulment of the 12 june 1993 elections (won by Moshood Kasimawo Olawale Abiola) caused a massive popular uproar.Abacha’s government was accused of human rights abuses, especially after the hanging of Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa by the Auta tribunal. His regime suffered stiff opposition internally and externally pre-democracy activists who made the regime unpopular.
General Abacha died at the age of 54 of an alleged heart attck at the presidential villa Abuja, and was buried on the same day without an autopsy fuelling speculation that the General may have been poisoned by political rivals.After his death, Sani Abacha’s name is often used in 419 scam letter as the source for ‘money’ that does not exist.

His Sudden Death: Here is a wide held believe amongst Nigerians that Abacha died due to a Viagra overdose.General Abacha served during the controversial execution of Ken Saro Wiwa. On the 10^th of November 1995, Saro Wiwa was hanged by Abacha, resulting in the immediate suspension of Nigeria from the commonwealth of Nations.

General Abdulsalaam Abubakar: Born June 13 1942, became Nigeria’s 8^th military head of state in 1998.he was born in minna, Niger State in Northern Nigeria.He schooled locally and outside Nigeria, he also served locally and outside Nigeria, before he emerged as Head of State in Nigeria.Abubakar is one of the few generals in Nigeria who rose to the top without holding political office.He has previously held Military Positions, and had , in general, stayed out of the political limelight. His wife, Fatima, was a high court Judge.At the time of his appointment, He was just away from his 56^th birthday on june 13.Abubakar was appointed head of state upon the sudden death of his predecessor, Sani Abacha.He notably re-established the democracy tradition in Nigeria arranging for general corruption-free election that resulted in 1999 ascension of Olusegun Obasanjo as the democritically elected leader of the  country as opposed to its previous rule(1976 to 1979) as inheritor of the power structure of coup leader Murtala.

General Chief Olusegun Obasanjo: Obasanjo was born on march 5, 1937 in Ogun state.He grew up in Owu Abeakuta,and enlisted in the Nigerian Army in 1958.he trained at Aldershot. A military city and centre in Hampshire, Southern England.he was a chief of staff during Murtala  R. Mohammed regime before he named as a military leader in the country.He was the first military leader in the country to hand over power to the civilian government. He became the elected president on May 29, 1999.He also conducted the country first civilian to civilian hand over on May 29 2007.He is the only Nigerian to have ruled twice as a military and later as elected leader..Political Party, People democratic Party, Spouse Stella Obasanjo(deceased)

ALHAJI.UMARU MUSA YAR’ADUA:  Umaru Musa Yar’Adua(16 August 1951-5 May 2010) Yar’Adua was born into an aristocratic Fulani family in katsina; He stated his education at Rafukka Primary School in1962.In 1971 he received a a Higher School Certificate from Barewa College.He attended Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria from 1972 to 1975, attaining a Bsc in Education and Chemistry, and then returned in 1978 to achieve an M.Sc Degree in Analytical Chemistry.
Professional Career: Yar’Adua’s first employment was at Holy Child College in Lagos (1975-1976). He later served as a lecturer at the College of Arts, Science, and Technology in Zaria, Kaduna State, between 1976 and 1979. Board Chairman of katsina State Investment and Property Development Company(KIPDECO) between 1994 and 1996.Yar’Adua served as a director of many companies, including Habib Nigeria Bank Ltd.

Presidency: In the presidential election held on 21 April 2007,Yar’Adua won but strongly criticized by observers, as well as the two  primary opposition candidates, Mohammed buhari of all Nigeria peoples party (ANPP) and Atiku Abubakar of the Action Congress(AC). After the election, Yar’Adua proposed a government of National unity. In late june 2007, two opposition parties, the ANPP and the Progressive Peoples Alliance(PPA), agreed to join Yar’ Adua’s government. On 28 June 2007, Yar’Adua publicly revealed his declaration of assets(becoming the first Nigeria leader to do so).This disclosure, which fulfilled a pre-election promise he made, was intended to set an example for other Nigerian politician and discourage corruption.

ILLNESS AND DEATH: President Yar’Adua left Nigerian 23 November 2009, and was reported to be receiving treatments for  pericarditis at a clinic in Saudi Arabia.On 22 January 2010,the supreme court of Nigeria ruled that the federal executive council (FEC) had 14 days to decide on a resolution about whether he “is incapable of discharging the function of his office”. On 9 february 2010, the senate decided that presidential power be transferred to vice president Goodluck Jonathan, and that he would serve as acting president, with all the accompanied powers, until Yar’Adua returned to full health. The power transfer has been called a ‘coup without the word’ by opposition lawyers and lawmakers. However, there are others that felt the power vacuum will lead to instability as a political military take over. On 24 february 2010, Yar’Adua returned to Abuja. His state of health was unclear, but there was speculation that he was still on a life support machine. Yar’Adua died on 5^th  of May 2010 at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa.An Islamic Burial took place on 6^th Of May in his hometown.

DR. GOODLUCK JONATHAN: Early Life, Education And Personal Life: Jonathan was born in Otueke in Ogbia Local Government Area of the then eastern region, later River State, now Bayelsa State.He holds a Bachelor of Science (B.Sc) degree in zoology in which he attained Second Class Honours, Upper Division.He also holds an M.Sc in Hydrobiology/Fisheries biology and a Doctor Of Philosophy(Ph.D) in zoology from the University Of Port-Harcourt. He is married to Patience and has two children. Jonathan is an Ijaw.
Presidential Race: In December 2006, Jonathan was selected as running mate to Umaru Yar’Adua for ruling PDP presidential ticket in April 2007 election.

Vice Presidency: Following the PDP’s disputed electoral victory, militants blew up Jonathan’s country house in Otueke Bayelsa State on 16^th May; two policemen were killed in the attack.Jonathan was not present at the time, after taking office, Yar’adua publicly declared his assets, and on 8^th August 2007, Jonathan also did so.
Action President: On 13 January 2010, a federal court handed Vice-President Jonathan the power to carry out State affairs in the presidents continued absence. On 9 february 2010, the Senate determined that presidential power should be transmitted to the Vice- President.He will serve as Acting President, with all the accompanied powers, until Yar’Adua has returned to full health. The Power transfer has been called a “coup without the word” by opposition lawyers and law makers.Jonathan remains the Acting president while Yar’adua continues ro recover.

President: Following Yar’adua death on 5th May 2010.Jonathan was sworn in as Yar;adua’s replacement on 6^th May 2010, becoming Nigeria’s 14^th head of state. He will serve as president until the next election.He states that he came to office under very sad unusual circumstances.On 18^thMay 2010, the National assembly approved President Goodluck Jonathan’s nomination of former Kaduna’s State Governor, Nnamdi Sambo an architect, for the position of Vice- president on 17^th March 2010.Jonathan dissolved the country’s cabinet while he appointed his own cabinet.

Elected President:  On 16^th  April Jonathan emerged as elected president, and was sworn in 29^th  May 2011.The election was marred by bloodshed and the death of ten Corp members killed by suspected Boko Haram gang members

INTRODUCTION
Nigerian women have always been active in agriculture, trade, and other economic pursuits, but a majority of them are in the informal labour force. They are the household managers, providing food, nutrition, water, health, education, and family planning to an extent greater than elsewhere in the developing world. This places heavy burdens on them, despite developments such as improved agriculture technology, availability of contraception, and changes in women's socioeconomic status, which one might think would have made their lives easier. In fact, it would be fair to say that their workload has increased with the changing economic and social situation in Nigeria. Women's economic capabilities, and in particular their ability to manage family welfare, are being threatened. 'Modernization' has shifted the balance of advantage against women.
During the pre-colonial era, Nigerian women contributed to the sustenance of the kin groups. Pre-colonial Nigerian economy was basically at a subsistence level, and Nigerian women participated effectively in this economy. Apart from being mothers and wives and taking charge of the domestic sector, women contributed substantially to the production and distribution of goods and services.
In the agricultural sector, the women farmed alongside their husbands and children. In south eastern Nigeria, women also took part in the production of palm oil and palm kernel. They also participated in local and long-distance trade in different parts of Nigeria and were fully involved in the procurement and sale of various food items and related commodities.
Women in pre-colonial Nigeria were fully involved in food processing, for example, fish drying (especially in the coastal areas of Calabar, Oron and the Niger Delta area), garri processing et cetera. In eastern Nigeria, the women of Okposi, Uburu and Yala were very active in salt production.
Women were engaged in pottery making, especially in Afikpo in present day Abia State, and in weaving. In northern Nigeria, even the women in purdah were involved in food processing and also traded with the aid of their children. Most often, these women supplied the means of sustenance for entire households.
Pre-colonial Nigerian women also provided health care and spiritual services, extensively. Most traditional religions feature immortal females as goddesses. Most goddesses in Nigeria were portrayed as river goddesses, fertility goddesses and earth goddesses. In the Niger Delta area, women provided music, songs and dances required during religious activities. Women also officiated as priestesses, diviners, healers, traditional birth attendants, and oftentimes as custodians of sanctuaries for gods and goddesses.
The legal status of Nigerian women in pre-colonial times needs highlighting. Under the pre-colonial customary laws in most Nigerian societies, women were considered free adults. At the same time, certain limitations were imposed which subordinated them to male authority. Women had independent access to income. Since land was usually owned communally, whoever worked or tilled the land, whether male or female, derived the benefits. Nevertheless, women in many societies could not inherit land.
Education in pre-colonial times was functional. It enabled women to obtain a skill in order to earn a living. Ogunsheye observes that "a woman who was without a craft or trade, or who was totally dependent on her husband, was not only rare, but was regarded with contempt" (Aliyu, 1992), As regards politics, women in pre-colonial Nigeria were an integral part of the political set up of their communities. Most often, they carried out separate functions from the men. These functions were fully complementary.
In pre-colonial Bomu, for instance, women played active parts in the administration of the state. They held very important offices in the royal family, including the offices of the Megira (the Queen mother) and the Gumsu (the first wife of the Mai or King) (Ola, 1978).
Women also played a very significant role in the political history of ancient Zaria. The modern city of Zaria was founded in the first half of the 16th century, by a woman called Queen Bakwa Turuku. She had a daughter called Amina who later succeeded her as Queen. Queen Amina was a great and powerful warrior. She built a high wall around Zaria in order to protect the city from invasion and extended the boundaries of her territory beyond Bauchi. The people of Kano and Katsina paid tributes to her. She turned Zaria into a very prominent commercial centre.
The story was not different in ancient Yoruba land. The Oba ruled with the assistance of a number of women refereed to as the ladies of the palace. The ladies of the palace consisted of eight titled ladies of the highest rank.
The significant role played by prominent women such as Moremi of lfe, Emotan of Benin and Omu Okwel of Ossomari in the pre-colonial history of Nigeria cannot be ignored. Moremi and Emotan were great amazons who displayed tremendous bravery and strength in the politics of lfe and Benin respectively, while Omu Okwei dominated the commercial scene of Ossomari in present day Delta State (Omu and Makinwa, "1976).
The colonial economy was an export oriented one and it seriously undermined the prestige of the traditional occupations of Nigerian women. While it placed women at a great disadvantage, it enhanced the economic status of the British, Lebanese, Syrian and a few male Nigerian merchants.
Many of the smaller markets hitherto dominated by women gradually disintegrated as a result of the emergence of expatriate firms such as John Holt, United African Company (U AC.), Lever Brothers et cetera. Women were denied access to medium and large scale loans which were vital in operating at the bulk purchase level of the colonial economy. In agriculture, cash crop incentives, technology and innovations were restricted to men (Curtin, 1964). Colonial policies and statutes were clearly sexist and biased against women.
During the colonial period, education was functional. The curricula emphasized religious instruction and clerical! Skills for boys and domestic science for girls. Technological and scientific based education was not encouraged. The curricula for girls enabled them to become good housewives, rather than income earners.
As regards politics, colonialism affected Nigerian women adversely as they were denied the franchise and very few of them were offered any political or administrative appointments. For instance, it was only during the 1950s that three women were appointed into the House of Chiefs, namely Chief (Mrs) Olufunmilayo RansomeKuti (appointed into the Western Nigeria House of Chiefs); Chiefs (Mrs) Margaret Ekpo and Janet Mokelu (both appointed into the Eastern Nigeria House Of Chiefs). It was also only in the 1950s that women in Southern Nigeria were given the franchise. The women's wings of political parties possessed very little functional relevance.
During this period, Nigerian women began to play very active roles in various aspects of the nation's development, and assumed a more critical role in traditional agriculture. Particularly as a result of the large scale exodus of able bodied men to wage labour; Nigerian women took over an increasing portion of the burden of food production, contributing between 50 per cent and 70 per cent of Nigeria's food requirements.
While the situation in the public sector remained unsatisfactory, it was markedly different from what had obtained during the pre-colonial and colonial times. Five years after independence, only 6.9 per cent of the salaried workforce were women; by 1970, 8.7 per cent of the total number of established staff in the Federal Civil Service were women. In 1980, the percentage of women had risen to 12.6 per cent. Similar pat terns were maintained in State Civil Services.
In 1979, women constituted 4.9 per cent of agricultural manpower in Nigeria, 1.4 per cent of artisans and craftsmen, and 1.6 per cent of the professional/sub professional group. It was only in the medical sector that women constituted 84.3 per cent of dieticians and 80.2 per cent of nurses.
The position of women in education in post colonial Nigeria has not improved much. According to the Population Reference Bureau, in1981, only 6 per cent of adult Nigerian women were literate. By 1979, 72.9 per cent of urban girls and 80.08 per cent of rural girls were not attending school.
University admission figures also reflect a low percentage of female entries in the new era. Successive postcolonial governments have encouraged female education and expanded educational facilities for g iris. In spite of these efforts, however, the impact on women is still low. Some of the factors that militate against women's education in the country include the perception that women needed to be educated only to be good housewives and the high dropout rate amongst women.
The economic recession since the mid 1980s is also affecting women's education in Nigeria. As a result of increasing cost of education, most parents, especially in the rural areas, prefer withdrawing girls from school, instead of boys. To stem this tide, some State governments have passed edicts granting free education to girls up to certain levels, in other states, women with children are allowed to attend school and it is considered an offence to withdraw a female child from school before a stipulated age. Early marriages by girls are frowned upon by many States and women's organizations. A Women's Education unit was established at the Federal Ministry of Education to encourage women education. Subsequently, all State Ministries of Education did same
Female education affects family health and nutrition, agricultural productivity, political, social, economical development and fertility, yet there is a wide gender gap in education. Lack of resources and pressures on time and energies put enormous constraints on the ability of women to maintain their own health and nutrition as well as that of their children. As a result, women are less well equipped than men to maximize their potential for development. Although my home, my children and my family are prime concern to a typical Nigerian woman, yet no reward or encouragement.
In industry and trade, women have been confined to small-scale operations in the informal sector; however vibrant these operations are and despite the trading empires built up by the most successful female entrepreneurs; women's average incomes are relatively low. Social attitudes to women are responsible for the gender differences in both the education system and the labour force, as we will see below. Differential access to educational and training opportunities has led to low proportions of women in the formal sector and their subsequent concentration in low paid production jobs with limited career prospects.
Women's participation in national educational systems is again biased due to the sociocultural and economic environments. More than two-thirds of Nigeria illiterates are women. Women are regarded as inferior to men and are not expected to aspire as high as men, especially in what are considered as 'male' fields (engineering, computing, architecture, medicine, etc.). It is largely assumed that educating women would make them too independent; in other words, they would not do what they are expected to do - look after the house, bring up children, and cater to their husband's needs.
In poor families, extending access to education and training is often difficult when the cultural and monetary costs are high or the benefits are limited. When families face economic problems they prefer to invest their limited resources in the education of boys rather than provide what is considered as 'prestigious' education for girls who would eventually marry and abandon their professions anyway. Nevertheless, girls are increasingly getting some limited education, and the focus of concern is gradually shifting to providing access to the same range of educational opportunities open to boys. In poor families, boys are often given first claim on whatever limited educational opportunities are available, although the global policy climate today is more supportive of measures designed to expand the educational horizons of girls than it was twenty years ago. Even when parents can be persuaded of the value of sending their girls to school, there remains the problem of helping the girls to complete their studies. Drop out rates in the primary grades are higher for girls than for boys in many Nigerian societies. The other half of the pupils who drop out do so for a variety of reasons, including poverty, traditional norms, increases in school fees and deterioration in the quality of learning. Child marriages are also very common in some part of Nigeria
Half of the school dropouts each year are girls of 12 to 14 years who have to leave school because of pregnancies. Such early pregnancies are often blamed on the absence of family life education and the imitation of foreign life styles. Very few schools allow pregnant girls or young mothers to complete their education.
Although the number of females who have been continuing on to the secondary level in Nigeria has increased, and the gap between male and female enrolments is no more narrow, the increase in the number of women continuing to tertiary education has been unminimal. The figure for Nigeria is one of the lowest in the world, women are still handicapped in access to formal sector jobs by their lower educational attainments, and those who succeed are placed in lower grade, lower paid jobs. Elite women who wish to improve their legal and economic status must expect to lose honour and respect (Obbe, 1980). There is often sexism in job promotions and unpleasant consequences if women stand up to men. There is often more respect for male professionals (even from women themselves) than there is for female. Women often suffer employment discrimination because of some reasons which include maternity, and employed, they are faced with a lot of harassment from their male counterpart especially male bosses. Career women are exposed to a lot of molestation even when they work harder at their jobs. Despite all these obstacles, women continue to move into different professions, including those traditionally seen as male jobs, such as engineering and architecture. Women can be found at senior levels in many organizations in many countries. They are also taking up various different professions, such as law, medicine, politics, etc. These women may be in the minority now, but things are changing all over Nigeria.
The position of women in pre-colonial Nigeria obviously differed in the vast number of ethnic groups in Nigeria. A woman's position varied according to the kinship structure of the group and role of women within the economic structure of the society. Common factors among women of different ethnic groups, however, included the domestically oriented jobs and the range of economic activities that the societies reserved for women. Women in pre-colonial societies held a complementary position to men although patrilineal and patriarchal kinship structures pre-dominated Nigerian societies. The kinship group expected women who married into a Yoruba or Igbo patrilineage to give birth to sons to ensure the future of the group. Furthermore, the position of a young wife improved as she grew older, bore children, and earned approval from its older members. She gained assistance from younger wives as she grew older, thus allowing her to spend less time in the home and more time engaging in activities outside the household--activities such as farming and craft making which allowed her to provide the material resources needed in order to care for her family. Yoruba society offered the greatest opportunities for women to participate in other economic activities such as manufacturing and trade. In Yoruba society, the responsibility of a woman to provide for her family included providing the material resources for such care. Women believed that providing such resources met their responsibility as women and citizens. Their society considered the work the women did complementary to the work of men, and some women achieved impressive status in the economic and social realms of Yoruba life. However, more commonly, women achieved power by means of their lineage or by means of marriage into ruling families. By achieving such power, they obtained indirect political influence, but they rarely showed their influence in public.
Like the family and economic structures, the religions of many Nigerian tribal societies conceived the position of women as complementary to that of men. However, the fact remains that the societies of Pre-Colonial Nigeria believed men superior to women and, to some extent, in control of women. According to Carolyne Dennis, writer of Women and State in Nigeria, "The religions of many Nigerian societies recognized the social importance of women by emphasizing the place of female gods of fertility and social peace, but women were also associated with witchcraft which appeared to symbolize the potential social danger of women exercising power uncontrolled by men". In societies that did not confine women to the household as the Hausa did, women held important roles in agriculture, manufacturing, and trade, and women also possessed an important, if restricted, religious role. However, religion also provided an important means of controlling women by explaining that women acting outside their appropriate social role, unconfined by menled to dangerous results.
Women held a basically complementary, rather than subordinate, position to men in indigenous pre-colonial Nigerian society, which based power on seniority rather than gender. The absence of gender in the pronouns of many African languages and the interchangeability of first names among females and males strikes Niara Sudarkasa, author of "'The Status of Women' in Indigenous African Societies" in the anthology Women in Africa and the African Diaspora, as a further relation of the social de-emphasis on gender as a designation for behavior. She observers that "many other areas of traditional culture, including personal dress and adornment, religious ceremonials, and intragender patterns of comportment, suggest that Africans often deemphasize gender in relation to seniority and other insignia of status". However, despite the lack of emphasis placed on gender by Nigeria's indigenous societies in the past, the state and its bureaucracy tried to dictate the lifestyles of women, endorsing the domesticity of women and the unwaged services they provided for the family. Much of the legislation concerning women, therefore, attempted to control them, their sexuality and fertility, further defining their subordination. The beginning of colonial rule brought to Africa the European notion that women belonged in the home, nurturing their family. At the same time the societies expected women to work--work which the society considered complementary to that done by men--the state and the beginning of colonial rule began to change the roles of women by means of legislation restricting women and the focusing of colonial economics on men.
The colonization of Nigeria by European powers including Britain brought Nigeria into the world economic system as a major target for exploitation. Nigeria not only provided Europeans with a source of raw materials but it also provided them with what they viewed as raw, uncivilized people -- if Europeans considered Nigerians people at all -- on whom they could impose their views and whom they could exploit at the same time they exploited the land. For example, with the incorporation of Nigeria into the international economy as a supplier of raw materials, new patriarchal conceptions of the appropriate social role for women dictated by colonial administrators and missionaries changed the position of women in economic, and therefore social, endeavors. Males began to dominate the cultivation of cash crops for the international market and confined women to the growing of food crops which received lower returns. By focusing on men, the cash crop farmers, bureaucratic efforts to improve agriculture further encouraged the separation of economic roles of men and women that had previously complemented each other. The importing of cheap manufactured goods from Europe, and later from Japan, led to the decline of craft industry, except for a limited range of luxury goods which in some regions affected the significant proportion of women engaged in such manufacture. The creation of the colonial economy thus tended to marginalize the position of the majority of women.
Colonial administrators and Christian missionaries introduced the assumptions of European patriarchy into Nigerian society. Their ideas of the appropriate social role for women differed greatly from the traditional role of women in indigenous Nigerian societies. The ideas of the colonizers resembled the patriarchal European assumption that women belonged in the home, engaged in child rearing--an exclusively female responsibility--and other domestic chores. The colonizers expected our societies to consider women as subordinate to men because Europeans considered women subordinate to men. They thought that if a woman obtained financial independence she might not give her husband and his family their entitled respect. In pre-colonial indigenous Nigerian societies, however, a woman's role included providing for her family by means of financial support; therefore, her traditional responsibility required her financial independence. Furthermore, many members of the extended family helped to rear the children, not only the mother.
The restrictions that colonial governments placed on women changed the position of women in indigenous societies. In Nigeria, the colonial state passed legislation restricting women, indirectly preventing them from performing their duties towards their families. The extent of the changes inspired many Nigerian women to hold a series of protests throughout the colonial period against particular colonial policies and against colonialism itself. Colonialism disrupted the traditional system of production in indigenous Nigerian societies, reinforcing the existing systems of social inequality and introducing oppressive forms of social stratification throughout the state.
The legal system inherited from the colonial era placed many obstacles on the way of women's self advancement and participation in national development. For instance, married women had to obtain their husband's written permission to obtain inter national passports. Until very recently, women were not allowed to stand bail for a suspect. The statutory provisions still do not favour women in many respects, including divorce and inheritance.
The lives of middle class Nigerian women differ greatly from those of most western women. Since pre-colonial days women retained certain economic opportunities within the social system. In fact, before the middle of the twentieth century, Nigerian women traditionally played a more significant role in society than did western women. Traditional or tribal society in Nigeria expected women to be significant wage earners in the family. They labored in farming, fishing, herding, and commerce (for instance, pottery, cloth-making, and craft work) alongside Nigerian men. In fact, women traditionally had the right to profit from their work, although the money usually served as a contribution to the family income. This economic freedom was much different from many western societies, where women had to fight for the right to work. These traditions still survive in modern Nigeria
However, Nigerian men do not value the economic contributions of their wives. They do not view the woman's job and household work as especially taxing. For the most part, Nigerian men consistently take their wives for granted. Moreover, even with economic opportunities, Nigerian women lack certain rights. As a rule, men do not have any legal responsibility for their offspring, and they often abandon women, expecting them to carry the financial burden of the family.
Marriage
The Nigerian institution of marriage is unconventional by western standards. The traditional and Islamic systems of polygamy flourish within every social class. Women expect very little from men in terms of companionship, personal care, and fidelity. Their relationships exist without the emotional elements.
Polygamy is a crucial component of many women's lives. Women depend on the other wives of their husbands. The younger co-wives take on many of the household and financial responsibilities. As women get older they have the comfort of knowing that the burden of their marriage does not fall solely on their shoulders.
A woman's position in society changes vastly once they marry since she becomes a possession, with relatively no rights in her husband's family. In fact, the husband's mother and sisters have much more of an influence over him than his own wife. The wife resents this lack of control or even respect within their marriage.
The Nigerian system of inheritance reflects the lack of male responsibility to his wife and children. If a husband dies, the woman usually receives nothing, although the law entitles her to a share. If she has no children, the treatment is worse. Since property can only pass between the same sexes, women can never inherit from their fathers.
Within marriage, women have an obligation to have children. Traditionally, society blames the woman for a marriage without children. Society not only condemns women who cannot have children, but unmarried and divorced women as well.
In recent years, the support of the co-wives has diminished. Modern developments of mandatory education, urbanization, and capitalism are changing the Nigerian society. Since 1960, educational opportunities have expanded for women. Slowly men are beginning to see the value of higher education for their wives. Now, more often than not, they send their daughters to school for an education.
Abortion
Abortion is still illegal in Nigeria. In fact, women make up the strongest opposition to it. Surprisingly, men seem to be much more willing to accept the idea than most middle class women.
Political Roles of Women
Today women play a minimal role in politics, although the 1999 Constitution guaranteed their rights. In pre-colonial Nigeria, women had a much larger position in politics. Unfortunately, the western influences restricted women's participation. Now, women have relatively little opportunity to become involved. The political parties do not look favorably upon female candidates.
As western values gained influence in colonial Nigeria, women lost some of their traditional rights. For the most part, women in Nigeria have not attempted to rise in their male dominated society and patriarchy continues to thrive. But as time passes, women are beginning to demand some equality. Perhaps they will be able to reconcile the rights of the past with the freedoms of a modern age.
The role of women in Nigeria's post 1960 politics has not been reflected sufficiently, in terms of appointments to policymaking posts. In spite of massive support given to various political parties by women, women organizations, market women movements etc., until recently, very few women benefited from political patronage.
In Southern Nigeria, women already had the franchise by 1960; thus in 1960, Mrs. Wuraola Esan from Western Nigeria became the first female member of the Federal Parliament. In 1961, Chief (Mrs) Margaret Ekpo contested elections in Aba Urban North constituency under the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) platform and won, becoming a member of the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly until 1966; Mrs. Janet N. Mokelu and Miss Ekpo A. Young also contested elections, won and became members of the Eastern House of Assembly.
In northern Nigeria, however, women were still denied the franchise even after independence. As a result, prominent female politicians like Hajia Qambo Sawaba in the North could not vote and be voted for. It was only in 1979 that women in northern Nigeria were given the franchise, following the return to civilian politics.
During the Second Republic, there was further progress. A few Nigerian women won elections into the House of Representatives at the national level. Some of these women were Mrs. J. C. Eze of the Nigerian People's Party (NPP) who represented UzoUwani constituency in former Anambra State, Mrs V.O. Nnaji, also of NPP who represented lsu and Mrs Abiola Babatope of the Unity Party of Nigeria (LJPN) who represented Mushin Central II of Lagos State. But, on the whole, very few women won elections into the State Houses of Assembly during the Second Republic.
During the same period, only two women were appointed Federal ministers. They were Chief (Mrs) Janet Akinrinade who was Minister for Internal Affairs and Mrs Adenike Ebun Oyagbola, Minister for National Planning. Mrs Francesca Yetunde Emmanuel was the only female Permanent Secretary (first in the Federal Ministry of Establishment and later Federal Ministry of Health).
A number of women were appointed Commissioners in the states. In 1983, Ms Franca Afegbua became the only woman to be elected into the Senate. Also, very few women contested and won elections into the Local Government Councils during this time.
With the return of military rule in December 1983, the first formal quota system was introduced by the Federal Government as regards the appointment of women into governance. The Buhari administration directed that at least one female must be appointed a member of the Executive Council in every state. All the states complied with this directive; some states even had two or three female members.
In the early 1990s, two women were appointed Deputy Governors. These were Alhaja Latifat Okunu of Lagos Slate and Mrs Pamela Sadauki of Kaduna State. Chief (Mrs) D.B.A. Kiforiji Olubi served as Chairperson of a bank, i.e. the United Bank for Africa PLC. Later on, Dr Simi Johnson and Eniola Fadayomi served as Chairpersons of Afribank International Nigeria and Allied Bank Nigeria PLC, respectively. There was, however, no female minister. There was also, no female member of the defunct Supreme Military Council or the later Armed Forces Ruling Council.
In the 1990 elections into local governments heralding the Third Republic, very few women emerged as councilors and only one woman, Chief (Mrs) Titilayo Ajanaku, emerged as Chairperson of a Local Government Council in the West. During the gubernatorial elections, no female governor emerged in any of the states. Only two female Deputy Governors emerged, namely: Alhaja Sinatu Ojikutu of Lagos State and Mrs. Cecilia Ekpenyong of Cross River State. In the Senatorial election held in 1992, Mrs. Kofo Bucknor Akerele was the only woman who won a seat in the Senate. Very few women won election into the House of represent tives. One of these few was Chief (Mrs) Florence Ita Giwa who won in the Calabar Constituency under the banner of the National Republican Convention (NRC). Amongst the members of the Transitional Council appointed by President Babangida in January 1993, only two were women, namely Mrs. Emily Aiklmhokuede and Mrs. Laraba Dagash.
In the Interim National Government of Chief Ernest Shonekan, two female ministers were appointed into the Cabinet. General Abacha had a number of female Ministers at various times in his cabinet, including Chief (Mrs) Onikepo Akande and Ambassador Judith Attah.
During the military regime of General Abdulsalami Abubakar (June 9, 1998 May 29, 1999), there were two women in the Federal Executive Council: Chief (Mrs) Onikepo Akande (Minister for Commerce) and Dr. 1araba Gambo Abdullahi (Minister of Women Affairs).
In the Fourth Republic which started on May 29, 1999, the Nigerian political terrain has witnessed an increase in the number of women political appointees, even though women did not perfonn well at the elections. In the elections held before May 29, 1999, few women emerged as Chairpersons of local government councils. A num ber of women won elections as Councilors. There is no female Governor in any State of the Federation. Only Lagos State produced a female Deputy Governor in the person of Senator Bucknor Akerele.
In the National Assembly, there are only three women in the Senate, namely: Chief (Mrs) Florence Ita Giwa representing Cross River State South Senatorial District; Mrs Stella Omu from Delta State and Hajiya Khairat Abdul-Razaq (now Hajiya Gwadabe) representing the Federal Capital Territory. There are only 12 women In the House of Representatives and these are: Barrister lquo Minimah, Mrs. Patience Ogodo, Lola Abiola Edewor, Patricia 0. Etteh, Dorcas Odujinrin, J.F. Adeyemi, Binta Garba Koji,Gbenni Saraki, Florence Aya, Linda ikpeazu, Temi Harrinnan and Mercy Almona lsei.
In the State Houses of Assembly very few women emerged as members. While in some States, one or two women emerged in the Houses, most other states have virtually no females in their legislatures. States like Cross River, Akwa I born State, Rivers, Lagos and many others do not have female members in their State Legislatures.
Women have been appointed as Commissioners and therefore members of the Executive Councils in all the states, but while some states have one female, others have two females in the Executive Councils. President Olusegun Obasanjo has appointed a number of women into the Federal Executive Council. They are Dr. (Mrs) Kema Chikwe (Minister of Transport), Mrs. DupeAdelaja (Minister of State Defence), Dr. (Mrs) Bekky Ketebuigwe (Minister of State, Ministry of Solid Minerals), Dr. (Mrs) Amina Ndalolo (Minister of State, Federal Ministry of Health), Mrs. Pauline Tallen (Minister of State, Federal Ministry of Science and Technology), and Hajia Aishatu Ismaila (Minister of Women Affairs). Chief (Mrs) Titilayo Ajanaku is the Special Adviser to the President on Women Affairs.
From the foregoing, it is evident that only very few Nigerian women have participated and emerged in Nigeria's political landscape, in spite of the pioneering efforts of women like Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti and Margaret Ekpo since the 1950s. Today, the number of women in top jobs is still nearly insignificant.
CONCLUSION
The issue of Nigerian women’s’ participation in development cannot be isolated from the issue of development in Nigeria as a whole, nor from its economic and political context. Women, as well as other marginalized groups, are used to reinforce the current economic systems, and gender constraints further contribute to this trend. Externally-driven actions for the improvement of African women’s' contribution to development is not the best strategy for the development of the country. to achieve maximum participation of women in development in Nigeria, there is need to promote the combination of indigenous practices for survival and development with global systems of education and human and community resource management for Nigerian women. Encouragement and empowerment from all walks of life must be given to our women contribute to national development.It is important to install infrastructures for development. But the real point is to empower human resources and especially women, to be able to conceive and benefit from this process, in a way that reflects their own perspectives. The future of Nigeria is based on knowledge and information, there is need to focus development policies on access to knowledge and learning for women.The governance issue needs to involve organizations that advocates for women in the country, this implies support for indigenous female organizations. Government should work hand in hand with such organizations and support them in the conception, formulation and networking of their programmes.
Nigerian women should make sure that they participate in the construction of solutions to the problem of governance and should have support for one another and must establish interactions with NGOs and civil society organizations in the countryReferences
Abubakr, S. 1992. “Queen Amina of Zaria,” in Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective. Ed. Awe, B. Ibadan: Sankore/Bookcraft.
Amin, S. 1972. “Underdevelopment and Dependency in Black Africa - Origins and Contemporary Forms.” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 10: 4: 503 - 524.
Awe, B. 1992. (Ed). Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective. Ibadan: Sankore/Bookcraft
Barber, K. 1995. “Going Too Far in Okuku: Some Ideas About Gender, Excess and Political Power”, in Gender and Identity In Africa Eds. Reh, M and Ludwar- Ene. Hamburg: LIT VERLAG. 77-83.
Berer, M. 1996. “Men.” Reproductive Health Matters. 7: 7- 10.
Callaway, B. 1987. “Women and Political Participation in Kano City.” Comparative Politics. 19: 4: 379-393.
Fraser, M. 1989. “Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender,” in Contemporary Social Theory. Cambridge: Policy Press.
Harrison, K. 1997. “Maternal Mortality in Nigeria: The Real Issues,” African Journal of Reproductive Health (AJRH), 1:1: 7 - 13.
Imam, A. 1994. “Politics, Islam and Women in Kano, Northern Nigeria.” Identifying Politics and Women. Boulder: Westview Press, 123 - 144.
Mafeje, A. 1991. African Households and Prospects for Agricultural Revival in Sub- Saharan Africa. Working Paper 2, Codesria. Dakar: Codesria Publication Unit.
Mahadi, A. and Inikori, J. 1994. “Population and Capitalist Development in Precolonial West Africa,” in African Population and Capitalism. Madison: the University of Wisconsin Press, pp. 62 - 75.
Makinwa-Adebusoye, P. 1991. Adolescent Reproductive Behaviour in Nigeria: A Study of Five Cities. NISER, Monograph Series No. 3.
Makinwa-Adebusoye, P. 1992. “Sexual Behaviour, Reproductive Knowledge and Contraceptive Use among Urban Youth in Nigeria.” International Family Planning Perspectives, 18:2: 66 - 70.
Matory, J. 1994. “Rival Empires: Islam and the Religions of Spirit Possession among the Oyo Yoruba.” American Ethnologist, 21:3: 495 - 515.
Mba, M. 1982. Nigerian Women Mobilized. Berkeley: International Studies, University of California.
Nzegwu, N. 2000. Personal Communication. Professor N. Nzegwu teaches Philosophy at Binghamton University.
Odujirin, O. 1991. “Sexual Activity, Contraceptive Practice and Abortion among Adolescents in Lagos, Nigeria.” International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics, 34: 4: 361-366.
Okafor, C. and Rizzuto, R. 1994. “Women’s and Health-Care Providers’ views of Maternal Practices and Services in Rural Nigeria.” Studies in Family Planning, 25: 353-361.
Okonofua, F et al. 1992. “Maternal Mortality in Ile-Ife, Nigeria: A Study of Risk factors.” Studies in Family Planning: 23: 319-324.
Okonofua F. 1997. “Preventing Unsafe Abortion in Nigeria.” African Journal of Reproductive Health (AJRH), 1: 1: 25-36.
Olukoya, P. 1996. “NGOs: Banding Together to Shape Policy in Nigeria.” MacArthur Home Page.
Pearce, T. 1965. “The Changing Status of African Women South of the Sahara”. Paper presented at the Southwestern Anthropological Association meetings, San Francisco.
Pearce, T. 1980. “Political and Economic Changes in Nigeria and the Organization of Medicare Care.” Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 14B: 91- 98.
Pearce, T. 1989. “Popular Participation for Women and Youth in Development.” Report submitted to United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).
Pearce, T. 1993. “The Country Strategy for the Population Program in Nigeria.” Report submitted to the MacArthur Foundation. Chicago.
Renne, E. 1993. “Gender Ideology and Fertility Strategies in an Ekiti Yoruba Village.” Studies in Family Planning, 24: 343-353.
Rothman, B. 1989. Recreating Motherhood New York: WWW Norton and Publishing Company.