INTRODUCTION
Nigerian women have always been active in agriculture, trade, and other economic pursuits, but a majority of them are in the informal labour force. They are the household managers, providing food, nutrition, water, health, education, and family planning to an extent greater than elsewhere in the developing world. This places heavy burdens on them, despite developments such as improved agriculture technology, availability of contraception, and changes in women's socioeconomic status, which one might think would have made their lives easier. In fact, it would be fair to say that their workload has increased with the changing economic and social situation in Nigeria. Women's economic capabilities, and in particular their ability to manage family welfare, are being threatened. 'Modernization' has shifted the balance of advantage against women.
During the pre-colonial era, Nigerian women contributed to the sustenance of the kin groups. Pre-colonial Nigerian economy was basically at a subsistence level, and Nigerian women participated effectively in this economy. Apart from being mothers and wives and taking charge of the domestic sector, women contributed substantially to the production and distribution of goods and services.
In the agricultural sector, the women farmed alongside their husbands and children. In south eastern Nigeria, women also took part in the production of palm oil and palm kernel. They also participated in local and long-distance trade in different parts of Nigeria and were fully involved in the procurement and sale of various food items and related commodities.
Women in pre-colonial Nigeria were fully involved in food processing, for example, fish drying (especially in the coastal areas of Calabar, Oron and the Niger Delta area), garri processing et cetera. In eastern Nigeria, the women of Okposi, Uburu and Yala were very active in salt production.
Women were engaged in pottery making, especially in Afikpo in present day Abia State, and in weaving. In northern Nigeria, even the women in purdah were involved in food processing and also traded with the aid of their children. Most often, these women supplied the means of sustenance for entire households.
Pre-colonial Nigerian women also provided health care and spiritual services, extensively. Most traditional religions feature immortal females as goddesses. Most goddesses in Nigeria were portrayed as river goddesses, fertility goddesses and earth goddesses. In the Niger Delta area, women provided music, songs and dances required during religious activities. Women also officiated as priestesses, diviners, healers, traditional birth attendants, and oftentimes as custodians of sanctuaries for gods and goddesses.
The legal status of Nigerian women in pre-colonial times needs highlighting. Under the pre-colonial customary laws in most Nigerian societies, women were considered free adults. At the same time, certain limitations were imposed which subordinated them to male authority. Women had independent access to income. Since land was usually owned communally, whoever worked or tilled the land, whether male or female, derived the benefits. Nevertheless, women in many societies could not inherit land.
Education in pre-colonial times was functional. It enabled women to obtain a skill in order to earn a living. Ogunsheye observes that "a woman who was without a craft or trade, or who was totally dependent on her husband, was not only rare, but was regarded with contempt" (Aliyu, 1992), As regards politics, women in pre-colonial Nigeria were an integral part of the political set up of their communities. Most often, they carried out separate functions from the men. These functions were fully complementary.
In pre-colonial Bomu, for instance, women played active parts in the administration of the state. They held very important offices in the royal family, including the offices of the Megira (the Queen mother) and the Gumsu (the first wife of the Mai or King) (Ola, 1978).
Women also played a very significant role in the political history of ancient Zaria. The modern city of Zaria was founded in the first half of the 16th century, by a woman called Queen Bakwa Turuku. She had a daughter called Amina who later succeeded her as Queen. Queen Amina was a great and powerful warrior. She built a high wall around Zaria in order to protect the city from invasion and extended the boundaries of her territory beyond Bauchi. The people of Kano and Katsina paid tributes to her. She turned Zaria into a very prominent commercial centre.
The story was not different in ancient Yoruba land. The Oba ruled with the assistance of a number of women refereed to as the ladies of the palace. The ladies of the palace consisted of eight titled ladies of the highest rank.
The significant role played by prominent women such as Moremi of lfe, Emotan of Benin and Omu Okwel of Ossomari in the pre-colonial history of Nigeria cannot be ignored. Moremi and Emotan were great amazons who displayed tremendous bravery and strength in the politics of lfe and Benin respectively, while Omu Okwei dominated the commercial scene of Ossomari in present day Delta State (Omu and Makinwa, "1976).
The colonial economy was an export oriented one and it seriously undermined the prestige of the traditional occupations of Nigerian women. While it placed women at a great disadvantage, it enhanced the economic status of the British, Lebanese, Syrian and a few male Nigerian merchants.
Many of the smaller markets hitherto dominated by women gradually disintegrated as a result of the emergence of expatriate firms such as John Holt, United African Company (U AC.), Lever Brothers et cetera. Women were denied access to medium and large scale loans which were vital in operating at the bulk purchase level of the colonial economy. In agriculture, cash crop incentives, technology and innovations were restricted to men (Curtin, 1964). Colonial policies and statutes were clearly sexist and biased against women.
During the colonial period, education was functional. The curricula emphasized religious instruction and clerical! Skills for boys and domestic science for girls. Technological and scientific based education was not encouraged. The curricula for girls enabled them to become good housewives, rather than income earners.
As regards politics, colonialism affected Nigerian women adversely as they were denied the franchise and very few of them were offered any political or administrative appointments. For instance, it was only during the 1950s that three women were appointed into the House of Chiefs, namely Chief (Mrs) Olufunmilayo RansomeKuti (appointed into the Western Nigeria House of Chiefs); Chiefs (Mrs) Margaret Ekpo and Janet Mokelu (both appointed into the Eastern Nigeria House Of Chiefs). It was also only in the 1950s that women in Southern Nigeria were given the franchise. The women's wings of political parties possessed very little functional relevance.
During this period, Nigerian women began to play very active roles in various aspects of the nation's development, and assumed a more critical role in traditional agriculture. Particularly as a result of the large scale exodus of able bodied men to wage labour; Nigerian women took over an increasing portion of the burden of food production, contributing between 50 per cent and 70 per cent of Nigeria's food requirements.
While the situation in the public sector remained unsatisfactory, it was markedly different from what had obtained during the pre-colonial and colonial times. Five years after independence, only 6.9 per cent of the salaried workforce were women; by 1970, 8.7 per cent of the total number of established staff in the Federal Civil Service were women. In 1980, the percentage of women had risen to 12.6 per cent. Similar pat terns were maintained in State Civil Services.
In 1979, women constituted 4.9 per cent of agricultural manpower in Nigeria, 1.4 per cent of artisans and craftsmen, and 1.6 per cent of the professional/sub professional group. It was only in the medical sector that women constituted 84.3 per cent of dieticians and 80.2 per cent of nurses.
The position of women in education in post colonial Nigeria has not improved much. According to the Population Reference Bureau, in1981, only 6 per cent of adult Nigerian women were literate. By 1979, 72.9 per cent of urban girls and 80.08 per cent of rural girls were not attending school.
University admission figures also reflect a low percentage of female entries in the new era. Successive postcolonial governments have encouraged female education and expanded educational facilities for g iris. In spite of these efforts, however, the impact on women is still low. Some of the factors that militate against women's education in the country include the perception that women needed to be educated only to be good housewives and the high dropout rate amongst women.
The economic recession since the mid 1980s is also affecting women's education in Nigeria. As a result of increasing cost of education, most parents, especially in the rural areas, prefer withdrawing girls from school, instead of boys. To stem this tide, some State governments have passed edicts granting free education to girls up to certain levels, in other states, women with children are allowed to attend school and it is considered an offence to withdraw a female child from school before a stipulated age. Early marriages by girls are frowned upon by many States and women's organizations. A Women's Education unit was established at the Federal Ministry of Education to encourage women education. Subsequently, all State Ministries of Education did same
Female education affects family health and nutrition, agricultural productivity, political, social, economical development and fertility, yet there is a wide gender gap in education. Lack of resources and pressures on time and energies put enormous constraints on the ability of women to maintain their own health and nutrition as well as that of their children. As a result, women are less well equipped than men to maximize their potential for development. Although my home, my children and my family are prime concern to a typical Nigerian woman, yet no reward or encouragement.
In industry and trade, women have been confined to small-scale operations in the informal sector; however vibrant these operations are and despite the trading empires built up by the most successful female entrepreneurs; women's average incomes are relatively low. Social attitudes to women are responsible for the gender differences in both the education system and the labour force, as we will see below. Differential access to educational and training opportunities has led to low proportions of women in the formal sector and their subsequent concentration in low paid production jobs with limited career prospects.
Women's participation in national educational systems is again biased due to the sociocultural and economic environments. More than two-thirds of Nigeria illiterates are women. Women are regarded as inferior to men and are not expected to aspire as high as men, especially in what are considered as 'male' fields (engineering, computing, architecture, medicine, etc.). It is largely assumed that educating women would make them too independent; in other words, they would not do what they are expected to do - look after the house, bring up children, and cater to their husband's needs.
In poor families, extending access to education and training is often difficult when the cultural and monetary costs are high or the benefits are limited. When families face economic problems they prefer to invest their limited resources in the education of boys rather than provide what is considered as 'prestigious' education for girls who would eventually marry and abandon their professions anyway. Nevertheless, girls are increasingly getting some limited education, and the focus of concern is gradually shifting to providing access to the same range of educational opportunities open to boys. In poor families, boys are often given first claim on whatever limited educational opportunities are available, although the global policy climate today is more supportive of measures designed to expand the educational horizons of girls than it was twenty years ago. Even when parents can be persuaded of the value of sending their girls to school, there remains the problem of helping the girls to complete their studies. Drop out rates in the primary grades are higher for girls than for boys in many Nigerian societies. The other half of the pupils who drop out do so for a variety of reasons, including poverty, traditional norms, increases in school fees and deterioration in the quality of learning. Child marriages are also very common in some part of Nigeria
Half of the school dropouts each year are girls of 12 to 14 years who have to leave school because of pregnancies. Such early pregnancies are often blamed on the absence of family life education and the imitation of foreign life styles. Very few schools allow pregnant girls or young mothers to complete their education.
Although the number of females who have been continuing on to the secondary level in Nigeria has increased, and the gap between male and female enrolments is no more narrow, the increase in the number of women continuing to tertiary education has been unminimal. The figure for Nigeria is one of the lowest in the world, women are still handicapped in access to formal sector jobs by their lower educational attainments, and those who succeed are placed in lower grade, lower paid jobs. Elite women who wish to improve their legal and economic status must expect to lose honour and respect (Obbe, 1980). There is often sexism in job promotions and unpleasant consequences if women stand up to men. There is often more respect for male professionals (even from women themselves) than there is for female. Women often suffer employment discrimination because of some reasons which include maternity, and employed, they are faced with a lot of harassment from their male counterpart especially male bosses. Career women are exposed to a lot of molestation even when they work harder at their jobs. Despite all these obstacles, women continue to move into different professions, including those traditionally seen as male jobs, such as engineering and architecture. Women can be found at senior levels in many organizations in many countries. They are also taking up various different professions, such as law, medicine, politics, etc. These women may be in the minority now, but things are changing all over Nigeria.
The position of women in pre-colonial Nigeria obviously differed in the vast number of ethnic groups in Nigeria. A woman's position varied according to the kinship structure of the group and role of women within the economic structure of the society. Common factors among women of different ethnic groups, however, included the domestically oriented jobs and the range of economic activities that the societies reserved for women. Women in pre-colonial societies held a complementary position to men although patrilineal and patriarchal kinship structures pre-dominated Nigerian societies. The kinship group expected women who married into a Yoruba or Igbo patrilineage to give birth to sons to ensure the future of the group. Furthermore, the position of a young wife improved as she grew older, bore children, and earned approval from its older members. She gained assistance from younger wives as she grew older, thus allowing her to spend less time in the home and more time engaging in activities outside the household--activities such as farming and craft making which allowed her to provide the material resources needed in order to care for her family. Yoruba society offered the greatest opportunities for women to participate in other economic activities such as manufacturing and trade. In Yoruba society, the responsibility of a woman to provide for her family included providing the material resources for such care. Women believed that providing such resources met their responsibility as women and citizens. Their society considered the work the women did complementary to the work of men, and some women achieved impressive status in the economic and social realms of Yoruba life. However, more commonly, women achieved power by means of their lineage or by means of marriage into ruling families. By achieving such power, they obtained indirect political influence, but they rarely showed their influence in public.
Like the family and economic structures, the religions of many Nigerian tribal societies conceived the position of women as complementary to that of men. However, the fact remains that the societies of Pre-Colonial Nigeria believed men superior to women and, to some extent, in control of women. According to Carolyne Dennis, writer of Women and State in Nigeria, "The religions of many Nigerian societies recognized the social importance of women by emphasizing the place of female gods of fertility and social peace, but women were also associated with witchcraft which appeared to symbolize the potential social danger of women exercising power uncontrolled by men". In societies that did not confine women to the household as the Hausa did, women held important roles in agriculture, manufacturing, and trade, and women also possessed an important, if restricted, religious role. However, religion also provided an important means of controlling women by explaining that women acting outside their appropriate social role, unconfined by menled to dangerous results.
Women held a basically complementary, rather than subordinate, position to men in indigenous pre-colonial Nigerian society, which based power on seniority rather than gender. The absence of gender in the pronouns of many African languages and the interchangeability of first names among females and males strikes Niara Sudarkasa, author of "'The Status of Women' in Indigenous African Societies" in the anthology Women in Africa and the African Diaspora, as a further relation of the social de-emphasis on gender as a designation for behavior. She observers that "many other areas of traditional culture, including personal dress and adornment, religious ceremonials, and intragender patterns of comportment, suggest that Africans often deemphasize gender in relation to seniority and other insignia of status". However, despite the lack of emphasis placed on gender by Nigeria's indigenous societies in the past, the state and its bureaucracy tried to dictate the lifestyles of women, endorsing the domesticity of women and the unwaged services they provided for the family. Much of the legislation concerning women, therefore, attempted to control them, their sexuality and fertility, further defining their subordination. The beginning of colonial rule brought to Africa the European notion that women belonged in the home, nurturing their family. At the same time the societies expected women to work--work which the society considered complementary to that done by men--the state and the beginning of colonial rule began to change the roles of women by means of legislation restricting women and the focusing of colonial economics on men.
The colonization of Nigeria by European powers including Britain brought Nigeria into the world economic system as a major target for exploitation. Nigeria not only provided Europeans with a source of raw materials but it also provided them with what they viewed as raw, uncivilized people -- if Europeans considered Nigerians people at all -- on whom they could impose their views and whom they could exploit at the same time they exploited the land. For example, with the incorporation of Nigeria into the international economy as a supplier of raw materials, new patriarchal conceptions of the appropriate social role for women dictated by colonial administrators and missionaries changed the position of women in economic, and therefore social, endeavors. Males began to dominate the cultivation of cash crops for the international market and confined women to the growing of food crops which received lower returns. By focusing on men, the cash crop farmers, bureaucratic efforts to improve agriculture further encouraged the separation of economic roles of men and women that had previously complemented each other. The importing of cheap manufactured goods from Europe, and later from Japan, led to the decline of craft industry, except for a limited range of luxury goods which in some regions affected the significant proportion of women engaged in such manufacture. The creation of the colonial economy thus tended to marginalize the position of the majority of women.
Colonial administrators and Christian missionaries introduced the assumptions of European patriarchy into Nigerian society. Their ideas of the appropriate social role for women differed greatly from the traditional role of women in indigenous Nigerian societies. The ideas of the colonizers resembled the patriarchal European assumption that women belonged in the home, engaged in child rearing--an exclusively female responsibility--and other domestic chores. The colonizers expected our societies to consider women as subordinate to men because Europeans considered women subordinate to men. They thought that if a woman obtained financial independence she might not give her husband and his family their entitled respect. In pre-colonial indigenous Nigerian societies, however, a woman's role included providing for her family by means of financial support; therefore, her traditional responsibility required her financial independence. Furthermore, many members of the extended family helped to rear the children, not only the mother.
The restrictions that colonial governments placed on women changed the position of women in indigenous societies. In Nigeria, the colonial state passed legislation restricting women, indirectly preventing them from performing their duties towards their families. The extent of the changes inspired many Nigerian women to hold a series of protests throughout the colonial period against particular colonial policies and against colonialism itself. Colonialism disrupted the traditional system of production in indigenous Nigerian societies, reinforcing the existing systems of social inequality and introducing oppressive forms of social stratification throughout the state.
The legal system inherited from the colonial era placed many obstacles on the way of women's self advancement and participation in national development. For instance, married women had to obtain their husband's written permission to obtain inter national passports. Until very recently, women were not allowed to stand bail for a suspect. The statutory provisions still do not favour women in many respects, including divorce and inheritance.
The lives of middle class Nigerian women differ greatly from those of most western women. Since pre-colonial days women retained certain economic opportunities within the social system. In fact, before the middle of the twentieth century, Nigerian women traditionally played a more significant role in society than did western women. Traditional or tribal society in Nigeria expected women to be significant wage earners in the family. They labored in farming, fishing, herding, and commerce (for instance, pottery, cloth-making, and craft work) alongside Nigerian men. In fact, women traditionally had the right to profit from their work, although the money usually served as a contribution to the family income. This economic freedom was much different from many western societies, where women had to fight for the right to work. These traditions still survive in modern Nigeria
However, Nigerian men do not value the economic contributions of their wives. They do not view the woman's job and household work as especially taxing. For the most part, Nigerian men consistently take their wives for granted. Moreover, even with economic opportunities, Nigerian women lack certain rights. As a rule, men do not have any legal responsibility for their offspring, and they often abandon women, expecting them to carry the financial burden of the family.
Marriage
The Nigerian institution of marriage is unconventional by western standards. The traditional and Islamic systems of polygamy flourish within every social class. Women expect very little from men in terms of companionship, personal care, and fidelity. Their relationships exist without the emotional elements.
Polygamy is a crucial component of many women's lives. Women depend on the other wives of their husbands. The younger co-wives take on many of the household and financial responsibilities. As women get older they have the comfort of knowing that the burden of their marriage does not fall solely on their shoulders.
A woman's position in society changes vastly once they marry since she becomes a possession, with relatively no rights in her husband's family. In fact, the husband's mother and sisters have much more of an influence over him than his own wife. The wife resents this lack of control or even respect within their marriage.
The Nigerian system of inheritance reflects the lack of male responsibility to his wife and children. If a husband dies, the woman usually receives nothing, although the law entitles her to a share. If she has no children, the treatment is worse. Since property can only pass between the same sexes, women can never inherit from their fathers.
Within marriage, women have an obligation to have children. Traditionally, society blames the woman for a marriage without children. Society not only condemns women who cannot have children, but unmarried and divorced women as well.
In recent years, the support of the co-wives has diminished. Modern developments of mandatory education, urbanization, and capitalism are changing the Nigerian society. Since 1960, educational opportunities have expanded for women. Slowly men are beginning to see the value of higher education for their wives. Now, more often than not, they send their daughters to school for an education.
Abortion
Abortion is still illegal in Nigeria. In fact, women make up the strongest opposition to it. Surprisingly, men seem to be much more willing to accept the idea than most middle class women.
Political Roles of Women
Today women play a minimal role in politics, although the 1999 Constitution guaranteed their rights. In pre-colonial Nigeria, women had a much larger position in politics. Unfortunately, the western influences restricted women's participation. Now, women have relatively little opportunity to become involved. The political parties do not look favorably upon female candidates.
As western values gained influence in colonial Nigeria, women lost some of their traditional rights. For the most part, women in Nigeria have not attempted to rise in their male dominated society and patriarchy continues to thrive. But as time passes, women are beginning to demand some equality. Perhaps they will be able to reconcile the rights of the past with the freedoms of a modern age.
The role of women in Nigeria's post 1960 politics has not been reflected sufficiently, in terms of appointments to policymaking posts. In spite of massive support given to various political parties by women, women organizations, market women movements etc., until recently, very few women benefited from political patronage.
In Southern Nigeria, women already had the franchise by 1960; thus in 1960, Mrs. Wuraola Esan from Western Nigeria became the first female member of the Federal Parliament. In 1961, Chief (Mrs) Margaret Ekpo contested elections in Aba Urban North constituency under the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) platform and won, becoming a member of the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly until 1966; Mrs. Janet N. Mokelu and Miss Ekpo A. Young also contested elections, won and became members of the Eastern House of Assembly.
In northern Nigeria, however, women were still denied the franchise even after independence. As a result, prominent female politicians like Hajia Qambo Sawaba in the North could not vote and be voted for. It was only in 1979 that women in northern Nigeria were given the franchise, following the return to civilian politics.
During the Second Republic, there was further progress. A few Nigerian women won elections into the House of Representatives at the national level. Some of these women were Mrs. J. C. Eze of the Nigerian People's Party (NPP) who represented UzoUwani constituency in former Anambra State, Mrs V.O. Nnaji, also of NPP who represented lsu and Mrs Abiola Babatope of the Unity Party of Nigeria (LJPN) who represented Mushin Central II of Lagos State. But, on the whole, very few women won elections into the State Houses of Assembly during the Second Republic.
During the same period, only two women were appointed Federal ministers. They were Chief (Mrs) Janet Akinrinade who was Minister for Internal Affairs and Mrs Adenike Ebun Oyagbola, Minister for National Planning. Mrs Francesca Yetunde Emmanuel was the only female Permanent Secretary (first in the Federal Ministry of Establishment and later Federal Ministry of Health).
A number of women were appointed Commissioners in the states. In 1983, Ms Franca Afegbua became the only woman to be elected into the Senate. Also, very few women contested and won elections into the Local Government Councils during this time.
With the return of military rule in December 1983, the first formal quota system was introduced by the Federal Government as regards the appointment of women into governance. The Buhari administration directed that at least one female must be appointed a member of the Executive Council in every state. All the states complied with this directive; some states even had two or three female members.
In the early 1990s, two women were appointed Deputy Governors. These were Alhaja Latifat Okunu of Lagos Slate and Mrs Pamela Sadauki of Kaduna State. Chief (Mrs) D.B.A. Kiforiji Olubi served as Chairperson of a bank, i.e. the United Bank for Africa PLC. Later on, Dr Simi Johnson and Eniola Fadayomi served as Chairpersons of Afribank International Nigeria and Allied Bank Nigeria PLC, respectively. There was, however, no female minister. There was also, no female member of the defunct Supreme Military Council or the later Armed Forces Ruling Council.
In the 1990 elections into local governments heralding the Third Republic, very few women emerged as councilors and only one woman, Chief (Mrs) Titilayo Ajanaku, emerged as Chairperson of a Local Government Council in the West. During the gubernatorial elections, no female governor emerged in any of the states. Only two female Deputy Governors emerged, namely: Alhaja Sinatu Ojikutu of Lagos State and Mrs. Cecilia Ekpenyong of Cross River State. In the Senatorial election held in 1992, Mrs. Kofo Bucknor Akerele was the only woman who won a seat in the Senate. Very few women won election into the House of represent tives. One of these few was Chief (Mrs) Florence Ita Giwa who won in the Calabar Constituency under the banner of the National Republican Convention (NRC). Amongst the members of the Transitional Council appointed by President Babangida in January 1993, only two were women, namely Mrs. Emily Aiklmhokuede and Mrs. Laraba Dagash.
In the Interim National Government of Chief Ernest Shonekan, two female ministers were appointed into the Cabinet. General Abacha had a number of female Ministers at various times in his cabinet, including Chief (Mrs) Onikepo Akande and Ambassador Judith Attah.
During the military regime of General Abdulsalami Abubakar (June 9, 1998 May 29, 1999), there were two women in the Federal Executive Council: Chief (Mrs) Onikepo Akande (Minister for Commerce) and Dr. 1araba Gambo Abdullahi (Minister of Women Affairs).
In the Fourth Republic which started on May 29, 1999, the Nigerian political terrain has witnessed an increase in the number of women political appointees, even though women did not perfonn well at the elections. In the elections held before May 29, 1999, few women emerged as Chairpersons of local government councils. A num ber of women won elections as Councilors. There is no female Governor in any State of the Federation. Only Lagos State produced a female Deputy Governor in the person of Senator Bucknor Akerele.
In the National Assembly, there are only three women in the Senate, namely: Chief (Mrs) Florence Ita Giwa representing Cross River State South Senatorial District; Mrs Stella Omu from Delta State and Hajiya Khairat Abdul-Razaq (now Hajiya Gwadabe) representing the Federal Capital Territory. There are only 12 women In the House of Representatives and these are: Barrister lquo Minimah, Mrs. Patience Ogodo, Lola Abiola Edewor, Patricia 0. Etteh, Dorcas Odujinrin, J.F. Adeyemi, Binta Garba Koji,Gbenni Saraki, Florence Aya, Linda ikpeazu, Temi Harrinnan and Mercy Almona lsei.
In the State Houses of Assembly very few women emerged as members. While in some States, one or two women emerged in the Houses, most other states have virtually no females in their legislatures. States like Cross River, Akwa I born State, Rivers, Lagos and many others do not have female members in their State Legislatures.
Women have been appointed as Commissioners and therefore members of the Executive Councils in all the states, but while some states have one female, others have two females in the Executive Councils. President Olusegun Obasanjo has appointed a number of women into the Federal Executive Council. They are Dr. (Mrs) Kema Chikwe (Minister of Transport), Mrs. DupeAdelaja (Minister of State Defence), Dr. (Mrs) Bekky Ketebuigwe (Minister of State, Ministry of Solid Minerals), Dr. (Mrs) Amina Ndalolo (Minister of State, Federal Ministry of Health), Mrs. Pauline Tallen (Minister of State, Federal Ministry of Science and Technology), and Hajia Aishatu Ismaila (Minister of Women Affairs). Chief (Mrs) Titilayo Ajanaku is the Special Adviser to the President on Women Affairs.
From the foregoing, it is evident that only very few Nigerian women have participated and emerged in Nigeria's political landscape, in spite of the pioneering efforts of women like Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti and Margaret Ekpo since the 1950s. Today, the number of women in top jobs is still nearly insignificant.
CONCLUSION
The issue of Nigerian women’s’ participation in development cannot be isolated from the issue of development in Nigeria as a whole, nor from its economic and political context. Women, as well as other marginalized groups, are used to reinforce the current economic systems, and gender constraints further contribute to this trend. Externally-driven actions for the improvement of African women’s' contribution to development is not the best strategy for the development of the country. to achieve maximum participation of women in development in Nigeria, there is need to promote the combination of indigenous practices for survival and development with global systems of education and human and community resource management for Nigerian women. Encouragement and empowerment from all walks of life must be given to our women contribute to national development.It is important to install infrastructures for development. But the real point is to empower human resources and especially women, to be able to conceive and benefit from this process, in a way that reflects their own perspectives. The future of Nigeria is based on knowledge and information, there is need to focus development policies on access to knowledge and learning for women.The governance issue needs to involve organizations that advocates for women in the country, this implies support for indigenous female organizations. Government should work hand in hand with such organizations and support them in the conception, formulation and networking of their programmes.
Nigerian women should make sure that they participate in the construction of solutions to the problem of governance and should have support for one another and must establish interactions with NGOs and civil society organizations in the countryReferences
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